“She’ll Be Hopping and Jumping with Jesus”: Inclusion and hope for the marginalized at the Salvation Army
(by Lindsay Bergenheier & Lisa Guyla)
A Brief History and Description of the Salvation Army
The Salvation Army was founded by William Booth in London in 1865. The Army is set up along military lines: the churches are called Corps and the members are called soldiers, while the pastors are called captains. Its mission statement declares that the Salvation Army is an international evangelical movement, part of the universal Christian church.  Its mission is to “preach the gospel of Jesus Christ and to meet human needs in His name without discrimination.” The purpose of this church seems to be summed up by a Bible verse that reads “Whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers of Mine, you did for Me” (Matthew 25). As well as church services, the Salvation Army provides numerous social assistance programs including a food donation program, handing out hot meals throughout the day, and holiday programs which provide holiday meals and Christmas gifts for those in need. The Army serves recovering addicts by hosting weekly AA and NA meetings. While holiday bell-ringers and red kettles are the most visible and well known signs of the Salvation Army in the community, its services and ethos of care for the disadvantaged go much deeper. 
Setting the Scene 

The researchers attended a Sunday evening church service at the Salvation Army, in an urban “downtown”, in the fall of 2007. The service was held inside a building on a street that also serves as a home base for the charity work done by this organization. Across the street from the Salvation Army is a temp agency, so the sidewalk outside the church is occupied by groups of various sizes throughout the day, usually men who appear to be waiting for work. So while worship services might not be the first thing that come to mind when one imagines the Salvation Army, the ethos of charity, social service and engaging marginalized community members permeate the organization’s operations. 
When we went to the Salvation Army worship service, it was obvious that we were newcomers. We were greeted immediately upon entering the foyer and were introduced to those who seemed to be the regular volunteers, members, and church leaders. We were given numerous pamphlets and religious magazines of the Salvation Army, including a “Welcome Home” folder that contained a registration form and an introductory brochure listing the Army’s mission statement, doctrine, and worship schedule. 
The church was a very modest space, with red padded benches for people to sit on. There were Christian banners on the wall, reminding everyone that God could heal the deepest wounds and forgive the most terrible sins. Against the back wall, behind the glass lectern, was a large wooden cross, an American flag, and a Salvation Army flag. On stage, there was a piano, an electric organ, and an area that looked like it was set up for a band.  The Salvation Army symbols were on all of the literature, as well as etched on the glass lectern. The better-known red shield of the Salvation Army was visible, but much more prominent was another symbol neither researcher had ever seen before.  It is a navy blue circle with a crown on top of it, with “Blood and Fire” written on its edge. In the center is a red cross, a large S, and crossed swords. In a red banner underneath it says “The Salvation Army.” Apparently, the red shield with just the name in the middle is easier to recognize, but this other symbol seems to speak more intimately to the religious goals of the organization. 
Perhaps twenty people were attending the service, including the captains (pastors) that orchestrated the event. Everyone who was there seemed quite familiar with one another, and they chatted before the service began. During the service it was mentioned that if anyone in the audience did not have a Bible to feel free to take one of the pew copies home with them that night. As we sat there, waiting for the service to start, we listened to the conversations of people around us. A man sitting behind us and a little to the left was explaining his Social Security disability benefits to his pew mate. Several of the parishioners were individuals with disabilities, from a woman in a wheelchair, to others who appeared to be developmentally disabled. In general the members of this church appeared poor, and in somewhat of a state of disrepair. The man sitting directly in front of us had a sparse, greasy gray comb-over, thick glasses, and sneakers so old that the soles were deeply worn away. The woman to his right was a heavier woman in a faded turquoise shirt, a swath of pale black flesh revealed in the gulf between her rumpled shirt and her black sweatpants. In contrast to the downtrodden parishioners, the neatly dressed volunteer members of the “Home League” wore matching navy cardigan sweaters.
The Service
The theme of the service we attended was “No Fear,” in reference to the upcoming holiday of Halloween. Singing was a huge part of the worship service, and we launched into our first hymn after some very brief introductory remarks. Pastors and corps officers, a married couple, ran the service. The two were both large, dark-haired people, dressed in navy suits (both in blazers, he wore dress pants, and she had on a mid-length skirt, heels and nylons). Their two young teenage sons sat in the front off to the left. One wore a button-down shirt while the other one wore a hooded sweatshirt, jeans, and carefully preserved Chucks (canvas sneakers) whose rubber toes were still bright white. They were not nearly as interested in the sermon as the rest of the parishioners, seemingly dragged there by their parents. The female captain, wife of the head minister, opened the service and thanked the congregation for coming. She had a very welcoming personality, warm and energetic, and if this had been a rock concert, she would be the one to come out and warm up the crowd. She was informal and noted that she had forgotten to list a hymn number for the second hymn in the program. She asked a congregation member to suggest a hymn, and a woman behind us promptly shouted out a suggestion that she then affirmed. She led a few hymns and then introduced her husband. He wore a headset microphone and he began to sweat the more he moved around and spoke. He paced the stage a bit, but he wasn’t overly flashy or dramatic. He didn’t shout or thump his fist on the pulpit. He led a few more hymns and then allowed the congregation to voice concerns and feelings, whatever it seemed was on their minds over the last few weeks, as the pastor apparently had been out of town for a few weeks. Whether it was giving the news that someone got a new job or had lost a loved one, the leading captain validated that person and his story equally.
Compared to the typical Midwestern Protestant church, the Salvation Army service was much less hierarchical. Congregation members frequently spoke out during the sermon and answered any questions he posed. The woman sitting in front of us was particularly vocal. This give-and-take might have been due in part to the small size of the congregation, but there was an overall sense that each member was appreciated and recognized. The Salvation Army gives respect to people who the rest of society does not always respect or give time to. While low social status is stigmatized is most other settings, here less advantaged people are welcomed as equals. 
However, such inclusiveness and warmth has a flip side. During the sermon, the leading captain’s tone seemed fit for a children’s sermon. Most of the worship was done through song, with exuberant lyrics containing simple Christian messages such as “Praise Him, Praise Him, tell of His excellent greatness!” and “When We All Get to Heaven.” He used concrete and familiar Christian stories and images in his message, such as faith being like a mustard seed and Satan as a serpent in the Garden of Eden, images that continued the simple theme of his sermon. There was great range in the biblical references the captain used during the sermon, as he drew from Genesis to the Gospels to Revelation. However, the dominant aspects of the service reflected the prevalent simplicity of the theological concepts presented to churchgoers. 
While other contemporary protestant churches might now shy away from discussing the Devil or a fiery hell, the captains leading the congregation at the Salvation Army talked of sulfurous flames and the need to fear God.  The God of the Salvation Army is a patriarchal figure, always referred to with male pronouns, who resides on a cloud in Heaven. In turn, Heaven was referred to as a physical place. When discussion turned to the subject of a victim of cancer, church members spoke of the woman “proceeding into glory, going up to heaven” or “being face to face with Jesus.”  The wife of the lead captain made the comment that the parishioner in the wheelchair would be “jumping up and down when she arrived in Heaven.” The purpose of this service was not a venue for deep theological examination or debate, but rather to comfort those who were in need and give them a comforting message to rely upon. 
The sermon focused on a reading from second Timothy 1-7. The captain paced back and forth as he explained that Halloween was about the fear that the Devil puts into people’s hearts. He went on to note that his family does not celebrate Halloween. He highlighted the alternative women’s and men’s group and youth events that the Salvation Army would be holding on the holiday. 
The lead captain seemed to be making a deliberate effort to make the service as personal as possible, referring to the individual situations of parishioners when he could. He seemed to know everyone by name and made a point of showing that during the sermon. This captain revealed a bit of his own personal story, and his faint southern accent and flamboyant preaching style were explained when he mentioned his Pentecostal background. 
At the close of the sermon, the captain seated himself at the piano and invited up anyone who felt his or her prayers demanded special occasion. At this point, the service became much more serious, and he gave an emotionally plaintive prayer.  Two parishioners knelt at the altar, each with a Home League member at their side. A presumably married couple came forward, standing and held hands, and it seemed that their troubles were ongoing and known to the church leaders and volunteers. The captain walked around the pulpit, dismounted the stage, and laid his hands on each of the praying parishioners in turn, addressing a few words of prayer on their behalf. After this emotional prayer time, his wife reminded all women in attendance that they would receive a gift in honor of the Salvation Army’s “Women’s Sunday.” No recessional music cued the end of the service, but the worship space wasn’t really large enough to process out of, anyway.
Before leaving, we were given a special gift of an old-fashioned linen calendar. The women who were members of the Home League each received a gift basket. We were warmly encouraged to come back, beginning with their invitation to the Wednesday night “Fear Free” party. The captains and Home League members did not press us for any personal information, and seemed aware that we were a bit apprehensive about our newcomer status. 
Ethnographic Analysis and Theoretical Assumptions
The Salvation Army is a religious organization, and for it to thrive, its message and services must fit with the needs of its followers. At the Salvation Army service we attended, they practiced and preached a message of acceptance and love to a group that might not always feel welcome in mainstream society. We could easily image that the praying parishioners on whom the captain placed his hands lived alone and received little other physical attention or affirming touch outside the Salvation Army. The Salvation Army offers downtown-dwellers a sense of inclusiveness, in contrast to the new high-class, high-price ambience of this downtown city. Over the past several years, this area has undergone a process of gentrification, and many lower class people who call this part of town home cannot afford to rent $100,000 condos, purchase $100 vases, or sip $3 lattes. They are being crowded out through a process of urban “renewal” or gentrification. In the changing landscape of this downtown section, the Salvation Army continues to be a bastion of welcoming Christian charity.
The emphasis on Satan plays a very significant part in creating a sense of solidarity amongst the parishioners at this church. Emile Durkheim said that the purpose of religion is to draw the collective group together and to give them a higher sense of social purpose and morality. The ritual of church service reminds its attendees that they have an important place in that group. By creating a very rigid dichotomization between good and evil, God and the Devil, the message is that there is a separation between the sacred and the profane. In the spiritual equation, these people come out on top: people who are poor and disabled and are generally otherwise seen as outcasts. The message may seem simplistic, but it empowers those who adhere to its ethic. Being a part of a congregation and embracing its message provides practitioners with a cultural lexicon, a conceptualization for understanding the world. The message must fit the needs of those who seek it. The Salvation Army and its mission is centered around caring for the least fortunate amongst us. And as the religious theme of the Salvation Army speaks to the members it sets out to help, it is also a manifestation of the religious objectives of those who serve as solders or captains. The sermon addresses the issues that plague the least advantaged members of society, and that message fits into the larger objective of the church as well as fitting into their interpretation of the social landscape. 
The centrality of singing in the service was noticeable. We sang at least half a dozen songs, and although we as newcomers were lost most of the time, being that we only had the lyrics and not the musical notation, the congregation seemed familiar with the melodies and sang loudly and in harmony. The use of music makes the ritual of the religious service more real in the sense that it brings repetition and familiarity to the forefront of the proceeding. Emile Durkheim characterizes the sacred as intense moments of group psychology, a sort of collective effervescence. During the moments when parishioners sang hymns, they were brought more closely into the group; it was familiar, and reiterated the doctrine that stood behind their beliefs. The enthusiasm of the soldiers and captains seemed to inspire the congregation, and it just feels good sometimes to sing –to let your voice ring free without self-consciousness.  
Conclusion
	The service at the Salvation Army seemed to live up to the statements the organization makes about itself.  The Salvation Army proclaims that its mission is to “preach the gospel of Jesus Christ and to meet human needs in His name without discrimination.” The service we attended certainly showed that social outcasts, those who are easily discriminated against, were welcomed to worship at the Salvation Army. While the Salvation Army provides many services to meet people’s material needs, its church service accommodated emotional needs, whether those were to be touched, to feel part of a chosen community, or to share in the promise of the afterlife. The Army invokes the verse in the Gospel of Matthew, “Whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers of Mine, you did for Me.”  In this evening, we saw that Salvation Army members do not have an exotic idea of sending missionaries to Africa to serve the least of God’s people. They act locally, worshipping with those who are usually the recipients of charity, and they focus on the hope that the idea of Heaven provides for its parishioners.